{"id":9082,"date":"2019-11-08T20:26:41","date_gmt":"2019-11-08T20:26:41","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/citejournal.org\/\/\/"},"modified":"2020-02-24T16:18:34","modified_gmt":"2020-02-24T16:18:34","slug":"educate-empower-advocate-amplifying-marginalized-voices-in-a-digital-society","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/citejournal.org\/volume-19\/issue-4-19\/english-language-arts\/educate-empower-advocate-amplifying-marginalized-voices-in-a-digital-society","title":{"rendered":"Educate, Empower, Advocate: Amplifying Marginalized Voices in a Digital Society"},"content":{"rendered":"\n
The first one I think is most helpful is don’t prescribe unless you can describe. It’s really learning about how to describe the impact of a policy decision or the impact of a situation from a first-person perspective. If you can’t do it from a first-person perspective then don’t prescribe a solution because you could be actually exacerbating the problem and that might have unintended consequences in the future. (Muhiyidin d’Baha, as quoted in Waters, 2017)<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n
The Internet and other communication technologies (ICTs)\ncan provide powerful spaces for social justice education and civic action.\nDigital devices and social media have shown significant potential by activists\nto mobilize the public, document their activities and the injustices they\nwitness, and spread information to a wider audience (Bennett, 2008). <\/p>\n\n\n\n
Within these contexts, some individuals are inspired to\nidentify ways they can leverage digital technologies to work toward positive\nsocial change (Ellison, Steinfield, & Lampe, 2007). This article begins with\na quotation from Muhiyidin d’Baha, an\nactivist from the Charleston, South Carolina, area to call attention to the\nneed to focus on work at the grassroots level and to describe these events and\ninequalities at the local level before moving to prescribe, or consider the\nimplications, for teacher education. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
Across society, youth are increasingly speaking up to\naddress societal problems (Humphrey, 2013; Stornaiuolo & Thomas, 2017).\nFrom Show Up for Racial Justice to United We Dream to the Movement for Black\nLives to The Sunrise Movement, youth are increasingly engaged in activism. As\nyouth utilize these digital, connected texts, educators need to understand what\nmakes their voices uniquely powerful. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
As educators learn and adapt to these new practices, youth\nare watching and learning from these events and texts as well. Youth are engaging in their own community engaged\nactivist work at the local and global level, many times independent of adult\nmodeling and input. Perhaps more importantly, English language arts\n(ELA) educators need to consider ways in which they can bring these skills,\npractices, and texts into the classroom. What can educators learn about these\npractices as they bring activism and texts or narratives shared by activists\ninto the ELA classroom? <\/p>\n\n\n\n
Bringing activist practices and texts into the classroom\ncan take multiple forms. One form could be a classroom teacher who wants to\nteach a controversial text like The Hate\nU Give<\/em> (Thomas, 2017) and it is met with protest and controversy from the\nlocal police departments. For example, in the summer of 2018 Charleston, South\nCarolina, area police protested the inclusion of this novel as a school\nassignment, citing complaints about the book\u2019s \u201canti-police\nmessage\u201d (Bowers, 2018). <\/p>\n\n\n\n
Another form could be a classroom teacher recognizing that\nstudents are speaking out against gun violence online and in the local area and\nchoosing to support and amplify their voices. Examples of this appear in\nstories of teachers from Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School choosing to\nsupport and amplify the voices of their students as they speak out against gun\nviolence in and out of our schools (Kissel, Whittingham, Laman, & Miller,\n2019). <\/p>\n\n\n\n
A classroom teacher could decide to speak out or strike in\nsupport of better teacher pay, support of schools, and investment in the\ncommunity. Examples include recent educator protests from 55 Strong in West\nVirginia (Slocum, Hathaway, & Bernstein, 2018) to the Red 4 Ed and SC for\nEd protests in recent years (Hale, 2019).<\/p>\n\n\n\n
In each of these instances, the educator and students\naccept a certain amount of risk (Ryan, 2016). Mistakes will be made as each of\nthese individuals (i.e., students and educators) engage in these literacy\npractices. Many in the audience will not receive or contextualize this\ncommunication simply at face value. That is to say that individuals cannot expect “best faith efforts” as an\naudience consumes and responds to shared content. An audience may seek to take statements\nand action out of context, harass, and troll (Van der Nagel & Frith, 2015).\n<\/p>\n\n\n\n
The research described in this article\nsought to identify existing challenges and opportunities and provide guidance\nfor educators as they consider engaging with digital activism practices and\ntexts in the classroom. I\nreviewed contexts as society moves from activism to digital activism as a lens\nto examine how adults and youth use these digital, social technologies to\nadvance social change. The \u201creal world\u201d reactions and implications of\nconnecting using digital texts\/tools to enact change pedagogically were\nexamined. This study responded directly to these pressing needs by asking the\nfollowing questions. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
- How\ndo activists use digital, social technologies for the purposes of amplifying\nmarginalized voices and enacting social change?<\/li>
- How\ncan these acts of digital activism be leveraged to inform ELA teachers as they\nsupport inquiry, empathy, and connection in their classrooms? <\/li><\/ul>\n\n\n\n
This qualitative case study integrated ethnographic and\ndiscourse analytic methods to examine the use of digital tools for activist\npurposes by Shakem Amen Akhet, a self-described leader of the Black Nationalist\nMovement in the Charleston, South Carolina, area. Shakem is also the executive\ndirector of the Muhiyidin d\u2019Baha Leadership Academy, an academy for African\nAmerican youth named after a slain Charleston Black Lives Matter activist. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
Muhiyidin d’Baha, was a leading Black Lives Matter activist\nknown nationally for crossing a yellow police tape line to snatch a Confederate\nbattle flag from a demonstrator on live television in Charleston, South\nCarolina, in February 2017 (Cobb, 2018). A year later, in February 2018, d\u2019Baha\nwas shot while riding a bicycle through the streets of New Orleans a little\nafter midnight. He died soon after due to the massive loss of blood. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
Tensions have been at a boiling point in the Charleston\narea after the Walter Scott shooting and the massacre at the Charleston AME\nChurch. This study examined how activists like Shakem utilized digital, social\ntools to work toward social justice education and addressing local problems. The\nstudy focused on the personal and professional contexts of Shakem\u2019s life as an\nactivist and as an educator. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
Because Shakem is actively utilizing digital tools as part\nof this work, it is important to study and learn from him as he uses digital\ntools, especially in this grim climate. In interviews with Shakem, he shared\ninsight about the challenges in pushing back against harmful discourses with\ngrace, determination, and a commitment to justice. Shakem utilizes digital,\nsocial tools to document and share his narrative and the narratives of others. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
Artifacts collected in the case study include multimodal\ncontent (i.e., images, video, web links, etc.) showing examples of this work\nand participant interviews to support the findings and implications presented.\nShakem gave me permission to use his real name in addition to his Facebook\nidentities, as well as screenshots of his social media posts in this\npublication. The findings identify opportunities for educators to educate,\nempower, and advocate for youth as digitally literate citizens.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Review of\nthe Relevant Literature<\/h2>\n\n\n\n
Activism <\/h3>\n\n\n\n
Activism is generally defined as intentional actions conducted by organized individuals or groups in an effort to bring about social change (Parsons, 1937; Shaw, 2013). Defining activism involves an examination of the social movements and contexts within which it exists. Cammaerts (2015) defined social movements as a \u201csocial process through which collective actors articulate their interests, voice grievances and critiques, and proposed solutions to identified problems by engaging in a variety of collective actions\u201d (p. 1027). <\/p>\n\n\n\n
Activism\nas viewed as a social movement has three features (Della Porta & Diani,\n2009): (a) They are characterized by disagreement or conflict and have clearly\nidentified ideological opponents; (b) they are structured through dense\ninformal networks; and (c) they are geared toward developing, sustaining and\nsharing collective identities.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Activism usually begins at the local or grassroots level as\npeople come together to \u201cconvince, pressure, or coerce external decision makers\nto meet collective goals either to act in a specified manner or to modify or\nstop certain activities\u201d (Staples, 2016, p. 11). As such, the perspective of \u201ccontestation\u201d is a core component of activism, as\nwell as the tenets of advocacy, conflict, and transgression (Ganesh &\nZoller, 2012). <\/p>\n\n\n\n
As the world adapts to a digital revolution, newfound tools\nof social media have reinvented activism and moved many elements from print to\npixel (Sivitanides & Shah, 2011). The\nresearch described here sought to describe these tools and practices utilized\nin digital activism and identify opportunities for teacher educators. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
Digital Activism<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
The label of digital activism is an increasingly popular term that is both broad and ambiguous (Yang, 2016). It loosely refers to the use of digital media and ICTs for political purposes (Gerbaudo, 2017). To a larger extent, it can be referred to as the use of technology to promote a political agenda or a social change, ranging from hacktivism (Denning, 2001), denial of service attacks (Bessant, 2016), to hashtag activism (Jackson, 2016). <\/p>\n\n\n\n
In\nthis paper digital activism is defined as the use of ICTs such as social media,\ne-mail, podcasts, and other forms of digital media. A bricolage of digital\ntexts, tools, and spaces are leveraged to enable faster, more effective\ncommunication by citizen movements to large or specific audiences for the\npurposes of fundraising, community building, lobbying, and organizing. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
Digital activism is studied across a\nmultiplicity of fields (e.g., anthropology, sociology, media and communication\nstudies, and political science) that examine the practices and affordances of\nthe social, political, and civic contexts in which these actions occur (Loader\n& Mercea, 2012; Robertson, 2018). Each of these adds different disciplinary\ninsights and diverse perspectives or approaches into understanding of this\ngrowing field. Each field is impacted by the different localities and global\ncontexts in which digital activism occurs (Routledge, 2003), as well as the\npurposes and practices of activist groups and advances in new technologies\n(McCaughey & Ayers, 2013). <\/p>\n\n\n\n
Digital activism is often determined by the affordances of\na specific digital text, tool, or space (Dahlberg, 2011). Networked\ntechnologies used by activists are often seen as the \u201cintersection between\nsocial context, political purpose, and technological possibility\u201d (Gillan, Pickerill, & Webster, 2008, p. 151). <\/p>\n\n\n\n
Digital, social platforms and tools offer\ndiffering types of communicative practices (Fenton & Barassi, 2011). Some\nplatforms are more conducive to one-to-one,\none-to-many and many-to-many communication. Digital activists need to negotiate\nthese competencies and affordances as they leverage these tools to inform their\ntactics (Van Laer & Van Aelst, 2010). As a result, activists need to\nnegotiate the affordances of different tools, platforms, and spaces as they\nengage with others. They need to consider real-time communication, as opposed\nto asynchronous communicative practices. They also need to understand that some\nplatforms offer anonymity to users and privacy in communication, whereas others\ndo not. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
Activist Literacies and Youth<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
As digital texts and tools become more ubiquitous in\nsociety and schools, the barriers to youth exposure and engagement with digital\ntexts are minimized (Alvermann, 2011; Turner, Abrams, Katic, & Donovan,\n2014). More to the point, adolescents have been shown to spend most of their\ntime in and out of school engaging with digital media (Livingstone, 2008; Salmela-Aro, Upadyaya, Hakkarainen, Lonka, & Alho,\n2017). This social connectedness and accessibility to content is\nidentified as participatory culture (Jenkins, 2009) and begs questions about\npossible democratizing effects of allowing all users to participate,\ncommunicate, freely exchange information, and create content they believe is\nmeaningful (Couldry, 2015, Garcia, Mirra, Morrell, Martinez, &\nScorza, 2015; Muhammad & Womack, 2016).\nThe challenge comes when the desires of individuals comes into conflict with\nthe membership structures and hierarchies and move from offline to online\ncontexts.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Networked publics enable and enrich\nspecific community discourses that signify participation and engagement amongst\na collective in digital spaces (Ito et al., 2009). The term public<\/em> can hold different meanings for different\npurposes and practices (Wenger, 1999). As digital technologies become even more\nubiquitous around the globe, multiple versions of public, or publics, exist as\nindividuals identify, connect, communicate, and engage with others (Deuze,\n2006; Rheingold, 2008). In these spaces, networked publics are not just\nindividuals grouped together, but \u201ctransformed by networked media, its\nproperties, and its potential.\u201d (boyd, 2010, p. 4) <\/p>\n\n\n\n
The interactions, needs, and concerns of\nthese collectives are shaped and modified by the spaces and tools they use to\ncongregate (Lai & Turban, 2008). Participating with networked publics in\nopen, digital spaces requires an extra appreciation for the risks, roles, and\nresponsibilities that come with experimenting in current and future contexts\n(Picazo-Vela, Guti\u00e9rrez-Mart\u00ednez, & Luna-Reyes, 2012; Simon\n& Campano, 2013).\n<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Pedagogies that embed activist practices and texts require\nelements of social justice education (Dover, 2013) as educators build the\ndispositions necessary to contextualize and work to enact social change (Alsup & Miller, 2014). Teaching for social justice\nis influenced by a diverse constellation of approaches from the educational,\npolitical, and philosophical (Dover, 2013). <\/p>\n\n\n\n
Social justice education (Ayers, Quinn, & Stovall,\n2009; Grant, 2012) integrates elements of critical pedagogy (Duncan-Andrade\n& Morrell, 2008; Freire 1970), multicultural education (Banks, 1995), and\nculturally relevant pedagogy (Ladson-Billings, 1995). The focus is on creating\nopportunities and building individual dispositions so that youth can engage in\nparticipatory spaces to promote societal change (Picower, 2011; Westheimer\n& Kahne, 2004). <\/p>\n\n\n\n
Foregrounding social justice thinking in educational\npractice can sometimes be challenging, as educators need to weave together a\ntapestry of \u201cdiscursive and pedagogical practices\u201d (Bialystok, 2014, p. 148).\nHytten and Bettez (2011) provided a framework to identify five, interconnected\nstrands that help knit together social justice education in learning\nenvironments: (a) philosophical\/conceptual, (b) practical, (c)\nethnographic\/narrative, (d) theoretically specific, and (e) democratically\ngrounded. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
Social justice education is defined in this research as a\nprocess and a goal, where educators focus on the development of a democratic\nenvironment in which learners are empowered to engage actively in their\neducation, understand the roles that power and privilege play in systems, and\nreflect on opportunities to challenge or disrupt these systems (Bell, 1997;\nHackman, 2005).<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Experimentation by youth in digital spaces provides opportunities to reshape narratives to better reflect perspectives that are routinely marginalized or silenced (Price-Dennis, 2016; Stornaiuolo & Thomas 2017, 2018). Through the process of restorying<\/em>, young adults are able to use digital texts, tools, and spaces to write themselves into being (Muhammad, 2012; Thomas & Stornaiuolo, 2016). <\/p>\n\n\n\n
This\nprocess of restorying paves a path for individuals to narrate their story,\nwhile also synthesizing, or recontextualizing, dominant narratives to serve as\ncounternarration, or disruption of inequalities in society (Haddix, Everson,\n& Hodge, 2015; Olan & Richmond, 2017; Stornaiuolo & Thomas 2017). <\/p>\n\n\n\n
This\nresearch identified opportunities to leverage these counterspaces and\ncounternarratives to allow individuals to come together and have tough\ndiscussions about tough topics (as in Johnson,\nBass, & Hicks, 2014). Through this experimentation with digital\nactivist practices in the classroom, educators and students can identify\nmoments to heal (Baker-Bell, Stanbrough, &\nEverett, 2017). <\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n
The Study<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
This case study emerged from a larger ethnographic research\nproject that explored the use of technology and networked social networks by\nindividuals in local groups for the purposes of enacting societal change\n(O\u2019Byrne & Hale, 2018). The project sought to describe the role technology\nhas in reinforcing, or perhaps resisting, hurtful discourses. It also studied\nthe offline reactions and implications of connecting using digital texts and\ntools to enact change. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
Society is witnessing digital activists and average\ncitizens taking advantage of new technologies to provide an alternative way of\norganizing society and push back against troubled, hostile societal narratives\n(Brown & Duguid, 2017). Participants for the larger project were selected\nfrom online advocacy and activist groups in the local Charleston area. Shakem,\nthe focal individual of this case study, quickly stood out as not only a highly\nengaged and productive member of this group, but also because he utilized\ndifferent tools and techniques in his work. In addition, he was open and\naccessible in his interviews as he helped to explain the rationale behind his\nactions. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
Although this single case study is not meant to be\nrepresentative of all activists, it does provide opportunities for new ways of\nunderstanding these literacy practices and invites further research into the\npractices of activists as they push for change. This research also provides an\nopportunity to consider the challenges and opportunities that exist as\neducators bring these literacies, practices, and dispositions into ELA\nclassrooms. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
In this research, Shakem urged educators and researchers to\nclosely study and learn from his practices in digital contexts. These digital\nsocial spaces have also been used to promulgate initiatives and their\ndiscourses to vast audiences, including those that are pervasive in the lives\nof adolescents. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
Broader civic, educative, and social-emotional concerns are\nalso arising in national and international contexts, while events percolate at\nthe local level. These forces impact learning contexts as educators are asked\nto help students respond, contextualize, and perhaps counteract these\nnarratives. Educators must explore how information and technology shape the\ncontours of the spaces in which learning takes place, while providing guidance\nfor educators as they struggle with how to discuss these trends affect youth\nlearning and engagement in global and local contexts. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
The purpose of this study was to focus on how activists in\nCharleston formed groups, and utilized technology and media in order to respond\nand react to an increase in instances of hostility towards individuals and\ngroups. These trends are evidenced by the regular battles over the taking down\nof the Confederate flag around the state of South Carolina. They extend to the\nlocal context, as Charleston witnessed the shootings of Walter Scott as well as\nthe murders at the Charleston AME Church. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
Young adults (and ELA teacher educators) are watching these\nevents and interactions and learning. This fact is relevant to the study of how\nyoung adults and youth interact with each other in school, at home, and in\nsociety. Media and technology are used to create social bonds for community\ndialogue and the promotion of social justice education. Adults and youth\nutilize digital texts and tools to promote the values necessary as participants\nin civic and democratic societies. Within these contexts, a local group of\nindividuals has been actively using technology and social networks as a tool\nfor responding and resisting hostile discourses and actions. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
My\nPositionality<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
I conducted this research to present\nthe challenges and opportunities that are present as individuals and groups\nutilize digital tools and spaces for the purposes of activism and advocacy.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
This research and my findings are\nultimately shaped by my positionality, which includes my cultural background\nand value systems and must be made known to the reader (Bourke, 2014; Chiseri-Strater,\n1996). I entered into this research to better understand the impact of these\nliteracy practices on the pedagogical activities and practices of students and\neducators in learning environments from pre-K through higher education. During\nthis research, my positionality as a White man remained as the focus of my\nattention. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
I do not share the same background or\nidentity at the focal individual of this research, and I am not a member of the\nlocal black grassroots community. I am a White, heterosexual, cisgender male,\nand I lived in the Charleston area for the 5 years before this article was\npublished. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
To acknowledge the bias and privilege\nI bring to the research process, I engaged in a process of reflexivity<\/em>\n(Bourke, 2014) to understand how my positionality affects research practice and\nthe production of knowledge from this work. This reflexivity includes\ntransparency in self-disclosure, as well as critical examination of one\u2019s\nmotivations, interests, roles, and assumptions in this work (Chiseri-Strater, 1996; Finlay, 2002). <\/p>\n\n\n\n
Reflexivity also includes an\nexplication of the power structures involved in social situations involved in\nthis examination (England, 1994; Steier, 1991). Reflexivity is a process of\nself-scrutiny in which the researcher is continually in a \u201cmode of\nself-analysis\u201d (Callaway, 1992, p. 33). \n<\/p>\n\n\n\n
This process, as I sought to be a\nreflective researcher, included several in order to build trust, collaboration,\ncorroboration, and ultimately trustworthiness with research participants (Attia\n& Edge, 2017). The process included regular participant checks with the\nfocal individual of this study, as well as other participants who serve as\nactivists in the local area. In these events, I shared drafts of this research,\nas well as findings from my data collection and analysis. They indicated holes\nin my thinking and perspective and suggested reading materials and research I\nmight use to address these areas. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
In addition, Show Up for Racial\nJustice, one of the groups that Shakem was active in, shared a comprehensive\nlist of resources that were used to inform my research. All of these efforts\nwere made to acknowledge and critique my privilege and identity outside of the\ngroup. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
The Focal Individual<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
This case study focuses on the work of Shakem\nAmen Akhet. Shakem, who is identified as a leader of the local chapter of the\nBlack Nationalist Movement, is a community organizer in the Charleston, South\nCarolina, area. Shakem is also an educator, and executive director of the\nMuhiyidin d\u2019Baha Leadership Academy, an academy for African American youth\nnamed after a slain Charleston Black Lives Matter activist. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
On Facebook, Shakem goes by many\nversions of his name on the social network (i.e., Shakem Akhet, Shakem Amen Akhet,\nand Shakem Amen Akhet II). These duplicates of his Facebook profile serve as a\nnecessary tool, as he frequently needs to deal with bans from the network as\nother users give feedback or report his profile for content shared. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
Shakem was selected as the focal\nindividual for this research as a result of topics he raised during interviews\nheld as part of the larger data collection focused on activist groups and their\nuse of digital tools and spaces. Shakem offered two points that served as the\nimpetus for this data collection, analysis, and subsequent paper. First, he\nindicated that it is the responsibility of educators to contextualize current\nevents, and the activities of activists for students in their classrooms. In\ninterviews he indicated the following: <\/p>\n\n\n\n
I think the children are depending on us to tell the narrative. They\u2019re just observing an event. So they\u2019re observing an event and they\u2019re understanding what is going on, but I think it\u2019s up to people like us to put a context, a historical context on what\u2019s happening. Because they\u2019re looking and they\u2019re just kind of like, you know, like wow, you know, they know what\u2019s going on. They see it, they hear it, but they need some sort of context to it. (October 28, 2017) <\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n
Second, Shakem suggested that current\nactivists were not using technology to its full potential. In interviews (Akhet, S. A., personal communication, November 5,\n2017) he suggested that technology offered opportunities for \u201cguerilla warfare\u201d and that they could \u201cfight stronger,\nmore advanced opponents with these resources.\u201d For the most part, activists\nwere \u201ctwos and threes\u201d out of a scale of 1 to 10 in terms of their ability to\neffectively use digital tools to enact change. This research highlights the\ndigital practices of Shakem and obtain some clarity about the points he made.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Data Collection<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
Over a yearlong period, from August 2017 to August 2018, I conducted a discourse-centered online ethnography (DCOE; Androutsopoulos, 2008), which included a collection of social media and online posts, semistructured interviews, and participant observation, to gather data on Shakem. With his permission, I collected 334 Facebook posts, links, and Facebook Live videos shared during this time period. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
I\nconducted three video-recorded interviews using Google Hangouts on Air, each\nlasting approximately an hour in length. As part of this research, I \u201cfriended\u201d\nthe participant and joined all Facebook Groups in which he served as an\nadministrator. I conducted many brief exchanges with Shakem either through\nemail, chat, SMS, Facebook Messenger, or comments on Facebook. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
Field\nnotes and collected information were also gathered during my exploration of the\nInternet to links shared by Shakem or through the use of Internet searches to\nlearn more about a topic. These may include mentions or involvement in other\nmaterials shared online (e.g., blogtalkradio and interviews in local\nnewspapers) to provide background for the\nanalysis. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
Across this dataset, I was able to observe Shakem\u2019s use of digital texts, tools, and spaces for\nthe purposes of engaging in digital activism. I took field notes from this\nexamination of his practices and reflected on many of these in blog posts on my\nwebsite to replicate lessons learned (as also in Heap & Minocha, 2012;\nScanlon, 2013). <\/p>\n\n\n\n
All Facebook materials in this paper came from public posts\non one of Shakem\u2019s profile pages. In data collection and analysis, I did not\ninclude photos, videos, or content shared by, or about his family or personal\nconnections. In this I was intentional on showing respect for Shakem, as he sought to use these digital social\nspaces for a variety of purposes, not just activist practices. I focused only\non content related to the research questions and areas of focus in this paper. <\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n
Data Analysis<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
Computer-mediated discourse includes a myriad of disparate\nand interconnected communication threads shared on the Internet. Computer mediated\ndiscourse analysis (CMDA) is one approach to analyzing this content that is\nlanguage focused and supplemented by a constellation of different approaches (Alvesson & K\u00e4rreman, 2011)\nderived from critical discourse analysis (Fairclough, 2013; Rahimi & Riasati, 2011).\n DCOE served as a bridge between methods\nof data collection to analysis to help illuminate relations between texts, and\ntheir production and reception practices in digital, social spaces.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
This case study (as recommended by Yin, 2006) employed a\nqualitative CMDA approach to conduct a content analysis as guided by the\nresearch questions to make clear the opaque connections between language and\nsociety as tools in securing power. Herring (2004) recommended a focus on\nresearch that is \u201cempirically answerable from the available data\u201d (p. 346) as\nwell as being time-based, event-based, or participant-based. This research is\nparticipant-based as it focuses on the practices, texts, and habits of one\nindividual and themes that emerge from the data. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
CMDA was applied to the dataset in the analysis of Facebook\nPosts, Facebook Live Videos, and other links and digital communication shared\nby Shakem. All social media content was collected in a Google spreadsheet to\nallow for data collection and analysis. These forms of discourse and\nintertextuality help inform how an activist uses digital tools, spaces, and\ntexts to understand hypertextuality, or content that refers to other content in\nother texts (Mitra, 1999). This series of interconnected texts was supplemented\nby interviews with Shakem, as well as Google searches on topics and areas of\ninterest identified by themes and patterns identified in the analysis. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
Data analysis was inductive and ongoing, involving a\nrecursive process of reviewing data, writing notes, and creating analytical\nmemos to identify structural patterns and themes. I regularly and publicly\nshared some of these analytical memos as blog posts and distributed through my\nsocial media feeds in an attempt to obtain feedback and examine patterns and\nthemes at a deeper level (as recommended in Heap & Minocha, 2012; Scanlon,\n2014). <\/p>\n\n\n\n
Through several cycles of content analysis (Krippendorff,\n2018) and these feedback loops of shared analytical memos, I reviewed my\nobservations to develop an in-depth understanding of the data. This review\nincluded social media and online posts, semistructured interviews, participant\nobservation in online spaces, and researcher notes.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
The process of analysis consisted of seven steps. First, I\nread the data set (interview data and Facebook Posts) twice to establish\nfamiliarity with the data. Data were read and\nreread, and initial codes were developed based on what was going on in the data\n(e.g., expressing narrative and pushing back against mainstream narratives). <\/p>\n\n\n\n
Second, I examined and identified emergent trends in the\ndata that were related to the research questions using a repeated and iterative\nanalysis technique (Belkin, Brooks, & Daniels, 1987). I then compared and\nrevised my individual analysis to identify categories and develop operational\ndefinitions of these codes. Codes were grouped\ntogether to identify overarching themes (Rivas, 2012). <\/p>\n\n\n\n
I coded the data based on these operational definitions. The emerging themes were compared to a review of the\nliterature to ensure they were relevant to the research questions while also\nrelevant to the field. I then compared these analyses to other forms of\ndata collected in this study and the larger research project (i.e., interviews\nwith participants and researcher notes). Finally, I returned to the data to\nconfirm findings. Throughout this iterative\nprocess, three themes were identified as central to understanding the practices\nand texts used by activists in digital spaces. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
Findings<\/h2>\n\n\n\n
Through this study I sought to understand the practices of an activist as he utilized digital texts and tools for purposes of activism. The analysis was conducted to help inform and contextualize his work and the possible import for ELA teachers. As was suggested by Shakem in an interview, the main purpose of educators in relation to works of activists is to help their students contextualize the information, sources, and people in these incidents. In one of the interviews with Shakem, he said the following:<\/p>\n\n\n\n
I think right now we are at a time in history that is going to bring about a change in society\u2014a revolutionary change. And I think those of us who are like you know\u2014doing this right here. I think the children are depending on us to tell the narrative. They\u2019re just observing an event. So they\u2019re observing an event and they\u2019re understanding what is going on, but I think it\u2019s up to people like us to but a context, a historical context on what\u2019s happening. Because they\u2019re looking and they\u2019re just kind of like, you know, like wow, you know, they know what\u2019s going on. They see it, they hear it, but they need some sort of context to it. So I believe what we can do now is to help form the narrative to put some sort of understanding behind what they\u2019re seeing. (October 28, 2017) <\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n
The results suggest through the interconnection of digital\ntexts, tools, and spaces, activists can use digital, social technologies for\nthree purposes: (a) to educate, (b) to empower, and (c) to advocate. Educate<\/em> is defined as giving\nintellectual, moral, and social instruction to the self, another person, or\ngroup (Ladson-Billings & Tate, 2016). Empower<\/em>\nis defined as giving authority or power to the self, another individual, or a\ngroup to take action, become stronger, or more confident (Collins, 2000). Advocate<\/em> is defined in this study as\npublicly supporting or recommending a particular cause or policy (Ginwright,\n2010; Sefton-Green, 2012).<\/p>\n\n\n\n
These three elements are socially situated, cultural acts that work iteratively and are intertwined with one another. That is to say that individuals and groups may move quickly from one element to another, as the elements do not exist solely by themselves. Additionally, these habits and practices change, develop, and are modified as digital activists continue to develop and utilize new tools and practices. These elements also are modified as new, more progressive, and more digitally agile activists expand and push the horizons of the use of these digital, social technologies for activist purposes. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
The remainder of this findings section describes study\nexamples culled from the social network posts and interviews with Shakem. They\nare organized around the three goals in communication of the digital activist\n(educate, empower, and advocate) and modified by the movement from a focus on\nthe self, publics, or networked publics.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Educate\n<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
Educate<\/em> is defined as giving intellectual,\nmoral, or social instruction to the self, another person, or group. Educate\nalso means to develop mentally, morally, or aesthetically by instruction.\nEducate can be viewed as persuading, arguing, or conditioning someone to feel,\nbelieve, or act in a desired capacity or manner. An example of Shakem using\ndigital, social technologies for the purposes of educating as a part of digital\nactivism is shown in his repeated attempts to describe his role as an activist\nand push back against false narratives. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
Tensions have been simmering in the Charleston area after the murder of Walter Scott and the Mother Emanuel African Methodist Episcopal (AME) church shooting in 2015. During summer 2017, violent and racist acts like the events in Charlottesville, Virginia (Harold & Nelson, 2018; Spencer, 2018), ratcheted up concerns that violence might also strike in the Charleston area. Cities across the South began debating the display of Confederate statues and flags across the region. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
Activists like Shakem spoke up during these times to organize public debate in an attempt to build dialogue and prevent racially motivated violence. Some of this work also involved educating others on the reasons why he, and other activists, were marching. An example of this is shared in Figure 1 (see Appendix<\/a> for transcript of posts and social media entries). <\/p>\n\n\n\n